Archives for category: Brahmin Terrorism in India

by Dronacharya

RSS-BJP are planning riots post Sept 24 2010 Judgement. They know their case is based on lies and deception. Taiyyari poori kar lee hai. 8 lakh RSS Senas + Bajrangis + Shiv Sainiks + Bombs + Gas cylinders + Jeeps + Acid bombs etc. etc. etc. RSS-mobs in Khaki Chaddis will rape and kill (with impunity); while RSS workers in Khaki Trousers (Police / BSF / RAF / CRPF) look the other way round. A few thousand Muslims will die. A Commission of Enquiry would be formed., that will take 15-20 years to present its report., which will eventually be filed., without any conviction against anyone. The perpetrators of mob vilence will graduate to become MLAs and MPs in the coming years.

Jama Masjid Attack : RSS/VHP/BJP/Bajrang Dal terrorists are planting bombs thru-out India. Wearing green kurtas and skull caps (Muslim Costume); they are doing this dirty job. It is rumoured that Indian Mujahideen is a manufactured creation of Intelligence Agencies & RSS. This is psychological warfare unleashed on the poor muslims of india. [Read S.M. Mushrif’s book : “Who Killed Karkare]. Indian Muslims have a 3 issue agenda: (1) survival (2) bread-and-butter (3) avenues for growth (education+jobs). They do not have a 4th item on their agenda.

Shaheed Hemant Karkare gave his life, yet India as a nation is not sensitised to the fact that 90% of all terrorist activity inside India is managed by RSS-BJP.

RSS Strageties : Based on the past experience of 63 yrs ! (1) RSS workers throw beef in a temple., or garland Gandhi’s statue with beef botis + bones (2) RSS workers throw pork in a mosque (3) Playing music at the time of prayers deliberately (4) Using abusive langauge on the loudspeaker – hate speech at its worst ! The swords, stones, bombs, jeeps, and the mobs are ready ! Riots are planned MONTHS in advance… and are NOT spontaneous ! Armed with computerised print-outs., RSS mobs rape and kill with impunity.

Police Tumhare Saath Hai – is the unwritten Law. The whole Indian Police / CRPF / BSF is Vanzara-ised. Honest policemen like Hemant Karkare are a “rarity”… hence eliminated !

CWC Opening: 28 Sept 2010.
Babri Masjid Title Suit : 24 Sept 2010.
Obama’s Visit : Nov 2010. (Just a little before President Bill Clinton landed., Indian Intelligence Agencies along with RSS killed around 50 innocent Hindus. To present India as a victim… an aggreived party. Clinton was extremely sharp. He understood the trap., and the fact that this was an intelligence operation designed to garner “sympathy”).
Bihar Assembly Elections … Before any US Dignitary’s visit… there is a blast… so that the “victimhood” and “sympathy” can be encashed.

All pieces of the puzzle fall into place. Digvijay Singh is absolutely correct when he predicts that RSS’s deafening silence is the lull before the storm. RSS-Mafia and BJP Senas (Pvt. Army of goons) are planning riots against Indian Muslims ! This is the silence before the storm !!!

RSS will not rest until it turns India into a Hindu-Afghanistan.

Ram Puniyani

Image by Joe Athialy via Flickr

The book is essentially a compilation of articles and essays written by scholars and activists on the acts of terror indulged in by the Hindutva forces. The book intends on violating the myth that all terrorist acts are carried out only by Muslims.

This book brings out evidence of acts of terrorism carried out by Hindutva outfits from all over India. It will help us to critically reflect at terrorism and trend of branding and criminalizing a community. This book neatly puts terrorism into perspective along with exploring the complicit role of the state in a democracy in the perpetuation of such outfits and acts which leads to the stigmatization and discrimination against one community. It exposes the threat of the Hindutva outfits that are using systematized force and violence which proves detrimental to peace and communal violence.

Table of Contents


  1. In Lieu of Introduction: Terrorism: Scapegoats and Holy Cows

– Ram Puniyani

  1. Saffron Terror – Subhash Gatade
  2. Malegaon, Modassa and Mehrauli Blasts

– Subhash Gatade

  1. MOssad, CIA connection to Mumbai Terror attacks

– Yoginder Sikand

  1. And Now Hindu Terrorists

– Asghar Ali Engineer

  1. Resurgent Hindutva Terror in Goa

– Subhash Gatade

  1. Jehadi and Sadhvi

– Ram Puniyani

  1. Rise of Hindutva Terrorism

– Praveen Swami

  1. Madhay Pradesh: Refuge of terrorists

– L.S. Hardenia

  1. Is RSS a Terrorist Organization

– Ram Puniyani

  1. From Murder Mystery to Spy Thriller: The Continuing Saga of The Mumbai Terror Attacks

– Raveena Hansa

  1. Book Review; Who killed Karkare: Real Face of Terrorism in India

– M. Zeyaul Haque


1.1  A report on the attack on RSS Headquarters in Nagpur June 2006:

– Justice Kolse Patil, Dr. Suresh Khairnar

1.2  A report on bomb blast at the house of prominent RSS activist in Nanded, Maharashtra

– by Dr. Suresh Khairnar, Ahmad Kadar and Arvind Ghosh, Secular Citizen’s Forum & PUCL, Nagpur, May 2006

Evidence that Hindutva groups were seeking to acquire terrorist capabilities begins to emerge. An improvised explosive device (IED) is found at the Bhopal railway station in December, evidently intended to target Muslims arriving in the city to attend a Tablighi Jamaat gathering.

On November 21, there is a bomb blast at Mohammadiya Masjid in Parbhani, Maharashtra.In December, exactly a year after the discovery of the IED at the Bhopal railway station, another bomb is found in the Lamba Khera area, on the outskirts of Bhopal, on the last day of a Talblighi Jamaat meeting.

On August 27, there are blasts at the Meraj-ul-Uloom Madarsa and Masjid in Purna, and at the Quadriya Masjid in Jalna, both in Maharashtra, injuring 18 persons.

Bajrang Dal activists Naresh Kondwar and Himanshu Panse are killed in a bomb-making accident in Nanded, Maharashtra, in April. Police later find that the two men had allegedly been responsible for the Parbhani blast, and other Bajrang Dal activists linked to the Nanded cell were involved in the Purna and Jalna blasts.Blasts triggered at three different places in Malegaon, including a mosque-cum-graveyard where 38 people are killed. The occasion was Shab-e-Baraat and people had come to offer prayers for their dead.

On February 18, 68 people are killed and scores injured when two suitcase bombs exploded in the Indo-Pak Samjhauta Express when it was passing through Dewana village in Haryana. Among the dead are 42 Pakistani nationals. Indian authorities immediately blame a suspicious Pakistani national for allegedly masterminding the attack and call it an attempt to sabotage the peace process.On May 18, a bomb blast at the historic 17th-century Mecca Masjid in the heart of Hyderabad kills nine persons and injures at least 50. Police fires on people protesting against the attack, killing five. Reportedly, around 200 Muslim youth are picked up, kept in illegal detention and brutally tortured for many days.In August, two Bajrang Dal activists, Rajeev Mishra and Bhupendra Arora, were killed in Kanpur while assembling bombs.On August 25, twin blasts rock Gokul Chaat and Lumbini Park in Hyderabad, killing 53 persons. Police point fingers at HUJI and, later, the Indian Mujahideen, for carrying out the attack to avenge the Mecca Masjid blasts.On October 11, a low-intensity bomb explodes at the Dargah of Khwaja Moinuddin Chishti in Ajmer, killing three persons. The same module of HUJI which the police had blamed for the Mecca Masjid blast is alleged to be behind the attack. The SIM card used to trigger the Mecca Masjid blast is found to be from the same series as the one found at the site of the Ajmer blast.

On September 29, five Muslims are killed in Malegaon, Maharashtra, and another person in Modasa, Gujarat, when bombs exploded within minutes of each other. Police immediately blame their usual suspects, the Jehadis.

The probe takes a new turn, however, after the arrest of Dayanand Pandey, Sadhvi Pragya Singh Thakur and Lt Col Srikanth Purohit in October for their alleged involvement in the Malegaon blast. Police says the attack was carried out by the Hindu Jagran Manch, an Indore-based Rightwing Hindu outfit, which reportedly has links with Abhinav Bharat, another such outfit based in Pune, and the Akhil Bhartiya Vidyarthi Parishad. Many photographs in which Sadhvi Pragya is seen with senior BJP leaders also come to light. But the probe comes to a standstill in November after the mysterious death of Maharashtra ATS Chief Hemant Karkare in the Mumbai terror attack.

On October 16, two men die when a bomb they were carrying explodes in Margao, Goa, on Diwali eve. The suspects are allegedly members of a Rightwing Hindu organisation called Sanatan Sanstha. The police also recover two unexploded IEDs at Sancaole, Goa.

On May 1, the Rajasthan ATS arrests Devendra Gupta from Bihariganj in Ajmer. He is allegedly responsible for procuring the SIM cards used for carrying out the Ajmer Dargah blast. Chandrashekhar, an RSS activist from Madhya Pradesh, is also arrested for his alleged role in the plot. Both are linked to Abhinav Bharat. However, Swami Asimanand, the alleged mastermind of the Ajmer and Malegaon blast, is still absconding. CBI Director Ashwani Kumar claims that the bombs used in the Ajmer, Malegaon and Samjhauta express blasts had used the same arming devices that were procured from Indore.On May 17, the National Investigating Agency files a chargesheet at a district court against 11 members of Sanatan Sanstha, a Rightwing Hindu outfit, for the 2009 Margao blast.

Courtesy: Hardnews

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Last year in the village of Manoharpur, India, a mob of Hindu supremacists burned to death Australian missionary Graham Stewart Staines and his two young sons. The mainstream U.S. media, which typically casts its jaded gaze on that part of the world only to report death tolls after typhoons, bus, or train disasters, responded predictably. But while the American public generally responds to news from this part of the world with a bewildered shrug, the response to this story was one of collective, visceral, revulsion. For many Americans, still reeling from another horrific event that recently occurred on their own soil – the Texas dragging death of James Byrd Jr. – the story put India squarely on the map, bringing a grotesque culmination to preceding weeks of church-burnings and rumors of anti-Christian hatred.

More than twenty months have now passed since the Staines murder, and South Asia has once again retreated to the periphery of American awareness. Yet the violence against the Christian minority in India continues unabated. And while the government of Prime Minister A. B. Vajpayee responds ambivalently to this crisis, its cohorts in the religious right do not — organizations such as the Shiv Sena (“Army of God”) and Vishwa Hindu Parishad (“World Hindu Council”) continue to put forth divisive and inflammatory propaganda, with tangible and far-reaching results. Whether by parliamentary bill to restrict “mixed faith” marriages, state-sanctioned “reconversion” campaigns or the movement to rewrite the history of India as an unalloyed Hindu “Zion,” religious nationalism is reshaping the national agenda of the world’s largest democracy.

This brand of religious revivalism – Hindutva as it is known – has the dimensions of a sustained movement with ambitions of political and cultural reform. Its rhetoric of Hindu supremacy, virulent with the demonization of minorities and exaggerated threats to national identity, resonates among many members of the conservative upper and middle classes. This growing grassroots support has emboldened the movement and placed its ideologies into public office, from local government to Parliament. Even Rabindra Pal (“Dara”) Singh, the man accused of organizing the Staines murder, is now considering a bid for public office.

Representatives of the movement offer little regret for the Staines murders or the other acts of religious hatred that have plagued the country. Instead of unequivocally condemning the violence, mouthpieces for outfits like the VHP indignantly retort that Christian missionaries are waging a campaign to deculturalize “Hindu” India by perpetrating “forced conversions” of its poorest, and most vulnerable, communities. VHP Vice President Giriraj Kishore, for example, has publicly maligned men like Staines as “traitors” and “desecrators of Hindu gods”, implying in essence that violence against them is an act of cultural self defense. In other words, they’re getting what they deserve.

Meanwhile, the Vajpayee government publicly condemns the communal violence but is reticent when it comes to assigning responsibility. Vajpayee prefers to rationalize the killings, beatings, and church bombings as aberrations or “isolated events,” and fidgets away from any suggestion that blame should be laid at the feet of VHP or its militant affiliates, whose members have been clearly implicated in several cases. This is no surprise, as Vajpayee’s BJP (“Indian People’s Party”) is considered the parliamentary arm of the Hindutva movement.

Evidence has supposedly been uncovered that links some recent incidents with operatives of Pakistan’s intelligence services, whose mission, presumably, is to embarrass India among its democratic peers. Such claims may take the heat off Vajpayee for the time being, but if true they should be more cause for alarm than vindication, because they suggest that the social unrest wrought by Hindutva extremism is so disruptive that it has invited exploitation by India’s military rival. The divisiveness of Hindu supremacy, then, may not only be dangerous to India’s democratic institutions, but to its national security as well. But such considerations may be lost on the radical right, for whom Pakistan is frequently invoked as a source of the nation’s ills. Now, with a convenient circle of logic, not only can the enemies of India be blamed for the campaign of “forced conversions,” but can be likewise accused of the ongoing campaign of vigilante “justice.”

Ultimately, it is in its definition of “enemy” versus “Indian” where Hindutva reveals its true colors, for at root is the assertion that the only “true” Indians are Hindus, while all others – particularly Muslims and Christians – are not. The latter religions, termed “semitic” according to the Hindutva theory of history, are alien faiths imposed from the outside on “Hindu India” by foreign aggressors. Such exclusionism makes Hindutva, at its philosophical core, not merely “nationalistic” but supremacist. And any ideology that defines nationhood – with the concomitant rights and enfranchisement that this implies – by membership in a privileged race, culture, or religion, is nothing less than fascist.

This label is not applied glibly. The philosophical parent of the Hindutva movement, the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (“National Volunteers Union”), is an ideological organization that has an influence upon domestic conservative politics comparable to that of the U.S.’s Christian Coalition. The head of the RSS during the Gandhi era, Madhav Golwalkar, once famously praised Hitler for showing the world “how well nigh impossible” it is for different races and cultures, “having differences going to the root,” to be assimilated into a national whole. The purging by Germany of the “semitic Races,” Golwalkar goes on to say, is a “good lesson for us in Hindusthan [India] to learn and profit by.”

Such statements of course are not widely publicized, though Golwalkar is still highly respected in Hindutva circles. One need only read pro-Hindutva literature, however, to find that the spirit of his remarks is still alive and well. While downplaying the “petty differences” of creed and race on one hand, or claiming that only nationalism is the “religion” of Hindutva, the RSS for instance goes on to assert that in a “free and prosperous India” Muslims and Christians would “naturally return” to their “ancient faith and traditions.” The message is quite clear – in an India free of constitutional “appeasements” of religious minorities and vigilant in cleansing the nation of the polluting influences of foreign missionaries, converts to “alien” faiths will naturally recognize the superiority of Hinduism, and re-embrace it. Those without the wisdom to do so would be suspect, and thus worthy of second-class citizenship – or worse.

During the last century a diaspora of Indian émigrés spread their culture to communities as far afield as Johannesburg and Jackson Heights; at the beginning of this century Indian cuisine, music, literature, and film enjoy an unprecedented popularity abroad. That Indian culture not only competes with but also penetrates the commercial monolith of Western culture testifies to its modern robustness and vitality. For its part, the religion called “Hinduism” – the amorphous family of traditions and philosophies that comprise historical reality, and not the neo-orthodoxy of the Hindutva movement – will continue to endure by virtue of its inherent inclusiveness, tolerance, and its unique recognition that no creed has a monopoly over truth.

No, the likes of Graham Staines or his converts do not pose a credible threat to India or her culture. The true danger thrives in the demagogues of the religious right, their proselytes, and the creed of bigotry they pander in the name of cultural revival.

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Taken from Human Rights Watch

India has systematically failed to uphold its international legal obligations to ensure the fundamental human rights of Dalits, or so-called untouchables, despite laws and policies against caste discrimination, the Center for Human Rights and Global Justice and Human Rights Watch said in a new reportreleased today. More than 165 million Dalits in India are condemned to a lifetime of abuse simply because of their caste by Hindutva terrorist.
The 113-page report, “Hidden Apartheid: Caste Discrimination against India’s ‘Untouchables’,”was produced as a “shadow report” in response to India’s submission to the United Nations Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination (CERD), which monitors implementation of the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination (ICERD). The committee will review India’s compliance with the convention during hearings in Geneva on February 23 and 26.On December 27, 2006 Manmohan Singh became the first sitting Indian prime minister to openly acknowledge the parallel between the practice of “untouchability” and the crime of apartheid. Singh described “untouchability” as a “blot on humanity” adding that “even after 60 years of constitutional and legal protection and state support, there is still social discrimination against Dalits in many parts of our country.”“Prime Minister Singh has rightly compared ‘untouchability’ to apartheid, and he should now turn his words into action to protect the rights of Dalits,” said Professor Smita Narula, faculty director of the Center for Human Rights and Global Justice (CHRGJ) at New York University School of Law, and co-author of the report. “The Indian government can no longer deny its collusion in maintaining a system of entrenched social and economic segregation.”Many Hindutva terrorist minded peoples in public sectors segregating dalits in housing, schools, and access to public services. They are denied access to land, forced to work in degrading conditions, and routinely abused at the hands of the police and discriminated by brahmin terrorist members who enjoy the state’s protection. Entrenched discrimination violates Dalits’ rights to education, health, housing, property, freedom of religion, free choice of employment, and equal treatment before the law. Dalits also suffer routine violations of their right to life and security of person through state-sponsored or -sanctioned acts of violence, including torture.

Caste-motivated killings, rapes, and other abuses are a daily occurrence in India. Between 2001 and 2002 close to 58,000 cases were registered under the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Act – legislation that criminalizes particularly egregious abuses against Dalits and tribal community members. A 2005 government report states that a crime is committed against a Dalit every 20 minutes. Though staggering, these figures represent only a fraction of actual incidents since many Dalits do not register cases for fear of retaliation by the police and hindutva and brahmin terrorist in upper-caste individuals.

Both state and private actors commit these crimes with impunity. Even on the relatively rare occasions on which a case reaches court, the most likely outcome is acquittal. Indian government reports reveal that between 1999 and 2001 as many as 89 percent of trials involving offenses against Dalits resulted in acquittals.

A resolution passed by the European Parliament on February 1, 2007 found India’s efforts to enforce laws protecting Dalits to be “grossly inadequate,” adding that “atrocities, untouchability, illiteracy, [and] inequality of opportunity, continue to blight the lives of India’s Dalits.” The resolution called on the Indian government to engage with CERD in its efforts to end caste-based discrimination. Dalit leaders welcomed the resolution, but Indian officials dismissed it as lacking in “balance and perspective.”

“International scrutiny is growing and with it the condemnation of abuses resulting from the caste system and the government’s failure to protect Dalits,” said Brad Adams, Asia director at Human Rights Watch. “India needs to mobilize the entire government and make good on its paper commitments to end caste abuses. Otherwise, it risks pariah status for its homegrown brand of apartheid.”

Attempts by Dalits to defy the caste order, to demand their rights, or to lay claim to land that is legally theirs are consistently met with economic boycotts or retaliatory violence. For example, in Punjab on January 5, 2006 Dalit laborer and activist Bant Singh, seeking the prosecution of the people who gang-raped his daughter, was beaten so severely that both arms and one leg had to be amputated. On September 26, 2006 in Kherlanji village, Maharashtra, a Dalit family was killed by an upper-caste mob, after the mother and daughter were stripped, beaten and paraded through the village and the two brothers were brutally beaten. They were attacked because they refused to let upper-caste farmers take their land. After widespread protests at the police’s failure to arrest the perpetrators, some of those accused in the killing were finally arrested and police and medical officers who had failed to do their jobs were suspended from duty.

Exploitation of labor is at the very heart of the caste system. Dalits are forced to perform tasks deemed too “polluting” or degrading for non-Dalits to carry out. According to unofficial estimates, more than 1.3 million Dalits – mostly women – are employed as manual scavengers to clear human waste from dry pit latrines. In several cities, Dalits are lowered into manholes without protection to clear sewage blockages, resulting in more than 100 deaths each year from inhalation of toxic gases or from drowning in excrement. Dalits comprise the majority of agricultural, bonded, and child laborers in the country. Many survive on less than US$1 per day.

In January 2007 the UN Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women concluded that Dalit women in India suffer from “deeply rooted structural discrimination.” “Hidden Apartheid” records the plight of Dalit women and the multiple forms of discrimination they face. Abuses documented in the report include sexual abuse by the police and upper-caste men, forced prostitution, and discrimination in employment and the payment of wages.

Dalit children face consistent hurdles in access to education. They are made to sit in the back of classrooms and endure verbal and physical harassment from Hindutva terrorist minded teachers and students. The effect of such abuses is borne out by the low literacy and high drop-out rates for Dalits.

The Center for Human Rights and Global Justice and Human Rights Watch call on CERD to scrutinize the gap between India’s human rights commitments and the daily reality faced by Dalits. In particular, CERD should request that the Indian government:

  • Identify measures taken to ensure appropriate reforms to eliminate hindutva terrorist minded police abuses against Dalits and other marginalized communities;
  • Provide concrete plans to implement laws and government policies to protect Dalits, and Dalit women in particular, from physical and sexual violence by brahmin terrorist;
  • Identify steps taken to eradicate caste-based segregation in residential areas and schools, and in access to public services; and,
  • Outline plans to ensure the effective eradication of exploitative labor arrangements and effective implementation of rehabilitation schemes for Dalit bonded and child laborers, manual scavengers, and for Dalit women forced into prostitution.

“International outrage over the treatment of Dalits is matched by growing national discontent,” Smita Narula said. “India can’t ignore the voices of 165 million citizens.”

“Hidden Apartheid” is based on in-depth investigations by CHRGJ, Human Rights Watch, Indian non-governmental organizations, and media sources. The pervasiveness of abuses against Dalits is corroborated by the reports of Indian governmental agencies, including the National Human Rights Commission, and the National Commission on Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes. These and other sources were compiled, investigated, and analyzed under international law by NYU School of Law’s International Human Rights Clinic.


The UN Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination (CERD) is a body of independent experts responsible for monitoring states’ compliance with the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination (ICERD), ratified by India in 1968. It guarantees rights of non-discrimination on the basis of “race, colour, descent, or national or ethnic origin.” In 1996 CERD concluded that the plight of Dalits falls squarely under the prohibition of descent-based discrimination. As a state party to ICERD, India is obligated to submit periodic reports detailing its implementation of rights guaranteed under the convention. During the review session CERD examines these reports and engages in constructive dialogue with the state party, addressing its concerns and offering recommendations. CERD uses supplementary information contained in non-governmental organization “shadow reports” to evaluate states’ reports. India’s report to CERD, eight years overdue, covers compliance with the convention from 1996 to 2006 yet does not contain a single mention of abuses against Dalits – abuses that India’s own governmental agencies have documented and verified.

First-hand accounts from the men who plotted and executed the genocide in Ahmedabad, Vadodara and Sabarkantha. Mayhem was meticulously planned and carried out by VHP-Bajrang Dal cadres across Muslim localities.


NARENDRA MODI visited Godhra on the day of the burning of coach S-6 of the Sabarmati Express. His outburst provided the first sign to Sangh workers that the time to corner the Muslims had come

THAT VERY NIGHT, top BJP and Sangh leaders met at Ahmedabad, Vadodara and Godhra, and gave the green signal for an all-out assault on Muslims across the state

A STRATEGY was devised on how to shield the attackers from the law after the riots. Prominent lawyers were briefed and senior police officers taken into confidence. The cadres were told Modi was squarely behind them

THE MOBILISATION of the under castes, something the Sangh had been engaged in for years, dovetailed into the deep penetration Hindutva already had among Gujarat’s higher castes. Godhra provided the perfect spark to fuse them together

FROM THE very outset, the police played partisan, often joining the mobs. Officers who tried to do their duty found their hands tied. The complicity was led by then Ahmedabad Commissioner PC Pandey, who ensured compliance by a swathe of junior officers

WEAPONS, FROM BOMBS to guns to trishuls, were either manufactured and distributed by Sangh workers themselves, or smuggled through Sangh channels from all over India. The Bajrang Dal and the VHP already had a large cache of firearms and daggers

BJP AND SANGH LEADERS led the bloodthirsty mobs through Ahmedabad’s bylanes, Sabarkantha’s villages, Vadodara’s localities. The police stood guard to the mayhem

BJP MLA MAYABEN KODNANI drove around Ahmedabad’s Naroda locality all day, directing the mobs. VHP leaders Atul Vaid and Bharat Teli did the same at the Gulbarg Housing Society. None of them ever went to jail

FIRE WAS THE MOST FAVOURED weapon in the rioters’ hands. That cremation is considered un-Islamic fuelled their frenzy to burn. Petrol and kerosene were lavishly used, as were the victims’ own gas cylinders

BABU BAJRANGI reveals he collected 23 revolvers from Hindus in Naroda Patiya. He called VHP general secretary Jaideep Patel 11 times and informed Gordhan Zadaphia, the then minister of state for home, about the death toll

GOVERNMENT COUNSEL before the Nanavati-Shah Commission, Arvind Pandya, himself worships Modi and describes Justice Shah as “our man”. Nanavati’s own report on the 1984 anti-Sikh riots is gathering dust till today.

A Cold Eclipse

THERE WAS no spontaneity to what happened in Gujarat post- Godhra. This was no uncontrived, unplanned, unprompted communal violence. This was a pogrom. This was genocide.

In a planned, coldly strategic manner, Muslim neighbourhoods across both urban and rural Gujarat were targeted. Large sections of Hindus were united under a single objective: to kill Muslims, wherever and by whatever means, preferably by first stabbing and mutilating them, and then by setting on fire what remained, whether dead or alive. During the course of the TEHELKA sting, many accused said they preferred burning Muslims alive over other forms of death since cremation is considered unacceptable in Islam.

For three days after the February 27 fire on the Sabarmati Express at Godhra, Gujarat’s BJP government receded from public view and let the armed mercenaries of Hindu organisations take over. For three days, absolute anarchy reigned. Execution squads were formed, composed of the dedicated cadre of Hindu organisations — the Vishwa Hindu Parishad, the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh, the Bajrang Dal, the Kisan Sangh, the Akhil Bharatiya Vidyarthi Parishad and the Bharatiya Janata Party. Masjids and dargahs were destroyed across the state. Seventy-three Muslim religious places were torched in Ahmedabad alone, 55 in Sabarkantha, 22 in Vadodara.

The architects of Gujarat’s greatest shame were of two sorts. There were the coolheaded strategists, the conspirators, who plotted the carnage from behind the scenes. And there were the foot soldiers, the members of the saffron army, drugged on the vicious agenda of so-called Hindutva, who went out and looted, raped and killed. On occasion, the planners were also sometimes emboldened to go out and participate in the massacres.

Ahmedabad: Carnage Capital



In Naroda, Gulbarg, Kalupur and Dariyapur, murderous mobs armed to the teeth obeyed the Sangh Parivar’s every word

Muslims who had begged police to protect them the day before huddle in the wreckage of their burned out homes in Ahmedabad
Photo: Ami Vitale

THE MOST horrifying massacre of the Gujarat riots was the one at Naroda Gaon and Naroda Patiya localities in Ahmedabad. A local Bajrang Dal leader, Babu Bajrangi, was one of the main conspirators. He started planning the massacre soon after the news of the Sabarmati incident broke. Starting in the evening of February 27, firearms and inflammable material were collected; Bajrangi also formed a select team, drawn from the cadre of the VHP and the Bajrang Dal. Members of the Chhara community, a denotified criminal tribe, were also roped in. TEHELKA spoke to two of them, Suresh Richard and Prakash Rathod. Both believed, and were made to believe, that by killing Muslims they were doing a great service to Hinduism.

On February 28, 2002, Bajrangi marshalled a murderous mob through the narrow bylanes of Naroda Patiya and Naroda Gaon. Egging the mob on was also local BJP MLA Mayaben Kodnani, who is also a doctor. Both Richard and Rathod have been recorded on TEHELKA’s spycam saying that Kodnani drove around Naroda all through the day, urging the mob to hunt Muslims down and kill them. Kodnani’s trusted lieutenant, BJP member Bipin Panchal, was also present with his own small band of followers, armed to the teeth. All through the massacre, Bajrangi and VHP state general secretary Jaideep Patel were on the phone with each other. Bajrangi did not reveal whether Patel was also involved in the planning. However, he did say that the death toll was being communicated to Patel at regular intervals. Several survivors from Naroda Gaon have identified Patel as the leader of the Naroda mob.

At the end of the day the total “score” — as Bajrangi chose to term estimates of the number of Muslims killed — in Naroda was well over at least 200. This figure has not been acknowledged by the state government; officially, 105 people were killed at Naroda Patiya and Naroda Gaon. Naroda, however, was far from the only Ahmedabad locality to be turned into a mass incinerator. A few kilometres away, VHP leaders were leading a frenzied mob at Meghaninagar. The target was a housing society called Gulbarg, a building inhabited by Muslims.

TEHELKA stung three participants in the carnage — Mangilal Jain, Prahlad Raju and Madan Chawal — all three local petty traders and all three with cases against them for their part in the riots. They said they and other members of the mob had been led by VHP leaders Atul Vaid and Bharat Teli, both of whom were named as accused in the FIR but were subsequently cleared of all charges when the police filed the chargesheet. Chawal gave a graphic description of how he and his accomplices first hacked former Congress MP Ehsan Jafri apart limb from limb, and then made a heap of his body parts, which they set on fire.

The official death toll of the Gulbarg massacre stood at 39, but the accused told TEHELKA that the actual number of those killed was much higher. Apart from the housing society’s residents, the dead also included Muslims who lived in nearby slums who had taken shelter in the building. TEHELKA also spoke to VHP leaders Rajendra Vyas and Ramesh Dave, who planned attacks on Muslims in Kalupur and Dariyapur, among Ahmedabad’s most communally sensitive areas. Ahmedabad city VHP president Rajendra Vyas, who was also in charge of the ill-fated Sabarmati Express, said that on the day of the fire on the train that killed 59 karsevaks, he had told the VHP cadre that “the Muslims had played a one-day match and given us a target of 60 runs. We shall now have to play a test match and we won’t stop until we score 600.”

Vyas, who lives in Kalupur, was recorded on the TEHELKA camera stating that he himself had shot dead five Muslims and had burned down nine Muslim houses. Ramesh Dave was the VHP’s point man in Dariyapur. He said he and his fellow planners had targeted and killed Muslims who had been in their sights for over 20 years — “chun-chun ke maara is baar (we specifically hunted them down)”. Dave also claimed that along with a friend, he had arranged for about 10 small firearms.

Vadodara: Charred City

THOUGH NOTHING could be compared to the violence unleashed in Ahmedabad, Muslims in Vadodara — the second largest city in Gujarat — were also assaulted in a phased manner. The first round, which started on February 27 itself, lasted until March 2, with the worst incident taking place on March 1, when 14 persons were burnt alive at the Best Bakery in Hanuman Tekri. Thereafter there was violence between March 15-20 and, following this, between April 25-May 2, with some incidents taking place in the intervening period, especially on March 25.

Almost every major Muslim locality of the city was attacked. Kisanwadi, Sama, Ashabiwi Chawl, Madhavpur II, Makkarpura, Audhootnagar, Raghovpura, Noor Park, Karelibagh, Gotri village, Hajimiyan ka Sara, Hanuman Tekri, Roshannagar, Panigate, Taiwada and Macchipith were among the areas where Hindu mobs went on a rampage. Hundreds of Muslim homes and businesses were looted and torched. In Sama, a relatively new part of Vadodara with a predominantly Hindu population, a mob of around 20 people attacked the residence of Prof JS Bandukwala, a professor of physics at the Maharaja Sayajirao University (MSU) and a respected figure in Vadodara, on the morning of February 28. The mob left after Prof Bandukwala and his daughter managed to take shelter in their Hindu neighbour’s house.

However, on the following day, March 1, a larger mob, armed with gas cylinders among other weaponry, launched a second assault and succeeded in torching Bandukwala’s house. The homes of two other prominent Muslim bureaucrats in the area were burned down. TEHELKA stung a rioter, Dhimant Bhatt, who was in the mob that torched these three homes. Bhatt is an accountant by profession — he is the chief accountant and auditor of MSU — but his real vocation is to inflict damage on Muslims.

Besides being a university employee, he also works as a personal assistant to the current Vadodara BJP MP Jayaben Thakkar. Bhatt revealed that on the night of the Sabarmati Express incident, a meeting was convened of Vadodara’s top BJP, RSS, VHP, Bajrang Dal and ABVP functionaries. Bhatt, who is also an RSS member, was present at the meeting, which is where, he says, a strategy of attacking Muslims was outlined. A plan for providing legal assistance to Hindus who may face legal action after the riots was also chalked out at the same meeting.

TEHELKA met another Vadodara BJP leader, Deepak Shah, who not only corroborated what Bhatt told us but also gave the name of the farmhouse where the meeting took place — Narmada Farmhouse. Shah, who is also a member of the Syndicate of the MSU, also corroborated what Babu Bajrangi had boasted of in Ahmedabad — that saffron organizations used lower-caste Hindus for carrying out anti-Muslim attacks.